The educational systems in Nigeria

INTRODUCTION

A close observation in the workings of the educational systems in Nigeria indicates serious interferences and maneuvers of politics on the management of educational programmes. The trend in the management of Nigerian education has been characterized by the influence of factors which can be said to be political in form, nature and purpose especially in the period marked by the dawn of a new political era currently referred to as the third republic with regards to the practice of democratically elected government. The beginning of this era marked the end of military intervention in government. It also marks the recovery of democratic politics from the grips of military fascism and dictation as a form of government.

However, the political class has seen this as a n opportunity to exact maximum influence on the management of Nigerian educational institutions. Thus, implementation of educational programmes and events have become subject to political game play associated with manipulations.

The interaction between politics and education should be a mutually beneficial relationship. On the one hand, education plays a major role in the development of political institutions and political ideas amongst the people and their leaders, while on the other hand, politics has a major influence on the formulation and implementation of educational policies, funding, administration and infrastructural development in our educational institutions. Education has suffered so much neglect in this era in the hands of our political leaders. The issue of funding is one area politics has negatively affected education in Nigeria. Over the years, the budgetary allocations to education have not met with the 26% minimum budgetary allocation for education as recommended by United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) for developing countries. This has so much affected the effective implementation of policies, provision of infrastructures and the smooth administration of our schools.

For instance, the Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme has not been fully implemented because of inadequate funding. This programme among other things provides for the acquisition of skills and also free meals for pupils and students but these have not been possible. In fact, it is commonly believed that it is only schools located in communities and areas which have ‘powerful’ and ‘inner caucus’ political influences that are privileged to be included in the school meal programme of the Federal Government. This is in addition to the problem of inadequate teaching staff. Oftentimes, educational policies and programme to be formulated and implemented at all the levels of education strictly depend on the government in power and the political party sometimes in hold and control of the government. These and numerous other instances point to the overwhelming incursion of politics into the planning and management of education in Nigeria. Politics has also affected education in the area of teacher’s welfare. Our educational system is still bedeviled by labour unrest prompted by government insensitivity to teachers’ and lecturers’ welfare and the terrible state of our educational institutions.

In 2009, for instance, almost all the labour unions in the educational sector embarked on industrial action to press home their demands. The actions virtually paralyzed the sector. The unions include the Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT), Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the Non- Academic Staff Union of Universities (NASU). NUT embarked on industrial action to demand for the implementation of the Teachers’ Salary Scale (TSS) which it signed with the government. ASUU went on strike to demand for better welfare package for lecturers, university autonomy and improved state of infrastructures in our higher institutions. These problems persisted because of misplaced priorities by our political leaders.

The politicians complain of inadequate fund to meet the teachers’ demand but at the same time approve and allocate huge pay and allowances for themselves. This is a demonstration of our weird value system. For instance, the salaries of the less educated Local Government councilors are higher than those of university Professors. Something is obviously wrong with any society that does not take her educational institutions seriously.

Politics also influences education in the area of postings, transfers of teachers in the primary, secondary schools and appointment into positions of authority. Appointment of headmasters and principals is based on god fatherism, acquaintanship and party loyalty instead of by merit. This results in having people who are not well qualified to take charge of affairs in the educational sector. This is also seen in the appointment of some Commissioners and Ministers. Also, the politicians influence the selection and appointment of some Vice- Chancellors in our universities. Most times, these political appointees only set out to serve the interest of their masters. They only think of how they will benefit from the award of contracts and how much will get to their pockets.

The inability of our political leaders to address the rot in our institutions has also led to brain drain. Our best brains have left the shores of the country for greener pastures. In addition, most of our political leaders send their children abroad to study, shamefully, to countries that are smaller and dependent on Nigeria for cultural, military and economic assistance, example of such countries are Ghana, Dubai, Malaysia to mention just a few. The overriding factor in the interaction between politics and education in Nigerian educational system is lack of commitment, political will, moral and ethical principles on the part of our political leaders and operators of our educational system. The activities of some of our highly placed officers are annoyingly characterized by moral bankruptcy, embezzlement, mismanagement and diversion of the available fund allocated to the education sector.

It is obvious that our leaders merely pay lip service to education as noted by the Lagos State chapter of the Nigeria Union of Teachers, Mr. Samson Idowu. Also, Itedjere (2007) asserts that there is a problem of structural imbalance in the allocation of resources to the different levels and forms of education. This imbalance is seen in the education tax. The federal government collects this tax; yet disbursing it is a big problem.

Based on the above, the researcher decided to consider the situation and scientifically establish the facts of the interaction between politics and education in Nigerian educational system in Bayelsa since the new dawn of the third republic.

1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEMS

The management of educational institutions in Nigeria is one of the most perplexing problems in the education industry. The industry is mostly faced with inadequate funding. In 2008, only 13% of the Federal budget was allocated to education. In 2009, education got almost the least allocation. In 2010, out of a budget of N4.07 trillion, education got the sum of N2.49 billion to which an analyst said “is a drop in the ocean”. In addition to inadequate funding is the serious structural and internal crisis including those of misappropriation and misapplication of funds, inadequate supply of facilities, problems of admissions, inadequate teaching staff, posting and transfers of teachers, examination malpractice, incidences of secret cultism and a host of others.

In an attempt to grapple with these and other problems, political consideration s, rather compound issues. For instance, appointment of some of our educational operators and leaders is based on god-fatherism. Wives and relatives of the political class take priority in admissions to schools and recruitment of teachers especially at the primary and secondary levels. Such people are also given prime of place in postings and transfers to urban and preferred schools. People who are strongly connected can flout school disciplinary rules and regulations and such rules and regulations can be bent in the interest of children of political class. These and other political maneuvers and power play cause grave concern to the success of educational management.

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1 To what extent does the management of schools affect the transfers and posting of teachers to schools?

2 In what obvious ways do the methods of distribution of funds and facilities to schools affect the management of educational Institutions in Bayelsa State?

3 In what way is the management of educational institutions affected by politics with regards to the appointment of school heads and members of the governing boards of schools in Bayelsa State?

1.4 HYPOTHESES

To carry out this research, the following hypotheses were formulated:

1 There is no significant relationship between the management of schools and teachers transfers and postings to schools.

2 There is no significant relationship between the methods of distribution of funds and other facilities to schools and the management of schools in Bayelsa State.

3 There is no significant relationship between political factors in regards to the appointment of school heads and members of board of governors and the management of schools in Bayelsa State.

1.5 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The aims and objectives of this study are as follows:

1 To find out the methods and criteria used in the posting and transfers of teachers to schools.

2 To find out the methods of distribution of funds, facilities, programmes and projects to schools.

3 To establish the criteria for the appointment of school heads and members of the governing boards of institutions.

1.6 METHODS AND PROCEDURE.

This is a survey study aimed at assessing the interaction of politics on the management of primary, post primary and tertiary institutions in Bayelsa State. The population of this study consists of about 1000 primary school teachers which is about 15% of the population, 2500 secondary school teachers and 500 school heads and principals. It also includes 8 Local Education Authority Chairmen, 8 heads of department of Niger Delta University, Bayelsa State. Departmental heads and 8 local government Chairman. This number represents 60% of the population. The total participants came up to 116. The random sampling technique was used.

To determine the reliability of the questionnaire, a test – re – test technique was used and coefficient reliability was established at 0.8 using Pearson product moment correlation coefficient. 130 questionnaires were sent out but 116 of them were retrieved.

The instrument used for the collection of data for this study was a 29- item questionnaire divided into three sections of A, B and C for heads of schools, heads of departments / governing board and teachers. The questionnaire is tagged “Interactions Between Politics and Education on the Management of Nigerian Educational System (IBPEMNES)”. The questionnaire was drafted and given to experienced school educationists and a research worker rated the items as to these item constructions. Some colleagues and experts in the department of Educational Administration and Policy Studies, Delta State University, Abraka validated the instrument.

1.7 METHODS OF DATA ANALYSIS

Analysis of variance (ANOVA) was used to analyze data collected. All statistics were analysed for testing. The stated null hypotheses were based at 0.05 level of significance. Likert four points scoring techniques of Strongly Agree (4points), Agree (3points), Disagree (2points) and strongly Disagree (1point) was used in scoring the questionnaire.

RESEARCH QUESTION 1:

To what extent is the management of schools affected by the method of transfers and postings of teachers to schools.

Hypothesis One (Ho₁); there is no significant relationship between the management of schools and the method of transfers and postings of teachers to schools. One hundred responses from school heads, principals and classroom teachers were scored, analyzed and computed to determine this fact.

Table 1: Summary table for One-way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA).

Source of Variation	DF	Sums of Square	Means Square	F-ratio Cal	F-ratio Critical	Decision
Between groups	3	776	25.87	6.48	4.04	Rejected
Within groups	96	382.88	3.99
Total	99	1158.88	Xxx

From table 1 above it is observed that the F-calculated 6.48 is greater than the F-ratio critical 4.04 hence the null hypothesis is rejected. Therefore, there is significant difference between the management of schools and the method of transfers and postings of teachers to schools.

HYPOTHESIS 2: There is no significant relationship between the methods of distribution of funds and other facilities to schools and the management of schools in Bayelsa state.

Table 2; summary table for one way ANOVA

Source of Variation	DF	Sums of Square	Means Square	F-ratio Cal	F-ratio Critical	Decision
Between groups	3	1119.23	373.1	46.1	4.04	Rejected
Within groups	96	78.1	0.81
Total	99	1197.33	Xxx

Significant at P<0.05

The one way ANOVA in table 3 shows that the f-ratio calculated of 46.1 is greater than the f- ratio critical of 4.04 at 0.05 level of significance, the null hypothesis is rejected. There is therefore significant relationship between the methods of distribution of funds and other facilities to schools and the management of schools in Bayelsa State.

Table 3 Scheffe’s Post Hoc Comparison Analysis

Compared group	Means	F-ratio calculated	F-ratio critical	Remarks
A (Principals) B (H/ms)	58& 55.96	22.11	4.04	Reject
Group A(Principals) C(dm Trs Pry)	58 & 57.4	0.87	4.04	Retain
Group A (Principals) D(dm trs Sec).	58 & 57.6	0.84	4.04	Retain
Group B & C	55.96 & 57.4	10.91	4.04	Reject
Group B & D	55.96 & 57.6	14.16	4.04	Reject
Group C & D	57.4 & 57.6	0.21	4.04	Retain

The various Fs were calculated as shown in table 4 using the same critical F-ratio. The cause of the significance was from group A and B, B and C and B and D.

RESEARCH QUESTION 3: In what ways are the management of educational institutions affected by politics with regards to the appointment of school heads and members of the governing boards of schools in Bayelsa State.

HYPOTHESIS 4: There is no significant relationship between the political factors in Regards to the appointment of school heads and members of the board of governors and the management of schools in Bayelsa State.

Table 4 Summary Table For One way ANOVA

Source of Variation	DF	Sums of Square	Means Square	F-ratio Cal	F-ratio Critical	Decision
Between groups	3	7.84	2.61	4.75	4.04	Rejected
Within groups	28	15.38	0.55
Total	31	23.22	Xxx

Table 5 above shows the variance in the respondents on the relationship between the political factors in regards to the various appointments in the schools and the management of schools in the state. The F-calculated of 4.75 is greater than the f-ratio of 4.04. The null hypothesis is rejected. There is therefore significance in the means of the four groups.

Table 5 : Scheffe’s Post Hoc Comparison Analysis

Compared Groups	Means	F- ratio Calculated	F- ratio Critical	Remarks
Groups A & B	10.5 & 9	5.48	4.04	Reject
Groups A & C	10.5 & 9.6	1.98	4.04	Retain
Groups A & D	10.5 & 9.8	1.20	4.04	Retain
Groups B & C	9 & 9.6	0.88	4.04	Retain
Groups B & D	9 & 9.8	1.56	4.04	Retain
Groups C & D	9.6 & 9.8	0.10	4.04	Retain

Table 6 shows that the cause of the variation was from the principals and heads of primary schools that is Groups A & B. It can be said that the mean of group A & B is significantly different from the means of the other groups.

1.7 DISCUSSION AND FINDINGS

The findings of this research show that in tables 1 and 2 there is significant difference between the management of schools and the methods of teachers’ transfers and postings. The post hoc analysis revealed that the direction of this difference tended towards the heads of schools and the classroom teachers. This goes to confirm that for some schools, teachers are in excess supply while for others, there is shortage of teachers because postings and transfers are dependent on political influence and connections. This results in overstaffing and congestion of mostly urban schools with female teachers who are treated as sacred cows because they are wives and associates of powerful politicians.

In normal circumstances in most school, transfers and movements to schools of staff is routinised and regular say, 4-5 years and as such, the staff anticipates such movement, but the reverse is the case these days. This corroborates Ikeotuonye’s (1984) finding that 80 percent of transfers under a political dispensation are intimidations following alleged disloyalty to the political class and the party in power.

For Osueke (2000), political transfers destabilize the working system and lack rationality. The result in table three showed that there is significant relationship between the methods of distribution of funds, school facilities, equipment and instructional materials to schools and the management of schools in Bayelsa State.

Out of the 100 respondents, 86 percent said that the method of such distributions is lopsided and lacks merit. Agaigbo (2000) noted that the use of influences for the distribution of school facilities is a strategy to attract supply of such items to particular schools and so affords vantages to such schools. This synchronises with Uhunwanggbo’s (1998) position that there is an advantage in being connected.

Table 5 shows that there is significant relationship between the political heads and the management of schools in Bayelsa State.

Favouritism and political influence determine the relationship of school’s governing boards appointment of some Vice Chancellors (and other key officers of the university) and the appointment of school heads. These are board issues closely linked to expertise, experience and capability. For such positions to be seen as political appointments, tantamount to putting square pegs in round holes. Aliyu (2003) and Omonibo (2005) opined that political factors take upper hand in these sensitive appointments and this accounts for the mismanagement of schools and the attendant low standard of education in Nigeria in recent times.

1.8 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The following implications can be drawn from these findings:

(1) Due process in not always observed in the distribution of teachers to schools.

(2) For some schools where teachers are in excess supply, manpower redundancy may result; those without such political connection may at worst be forgotten in the scheme of things.

(3) Some schools may never be advantaged in the supply of educational facilities, equipment and instructional materials are hinged upon political influences.

(4) Unqualified and incapable people may find themselves appointed to positions of headship and as such are bound to make defective policies and take unwholesome decisions particularly on issues bordering on professional inputs.

(5) Inequitable gender distribution of teachers breeds severe personnel management problems for school heads.

Based on the above conclusions, this study recommends that:

(1) Movements of teachers (transfers and postings) should be strictly routinised thereby installing stability in the education system.

(2) The administration funding and distribution of educational facilities to be handed to the appropriate quarters and be left autonomously for instance for universities, NUC, for the Primary and Post Primary levels, to Universal Basic Education Board and the Local Government Education Authorities. No more political interferences.

(3) Appointment of heads of institutions should not be hinged on politics but on educational background and experience in school management to guarantee competence in decision making and managerial skills.

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Tahir, G. (2006) Funding of the UBE. Report on the UBE Programmes

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